Runnymede and Lincoln Fair: A Story of the Great Charter Page 14
CHAPTER XII
THE BARONS IN LONDON
Fitzarnulph’s project prospered.
Everything was managed with secrecy and success. On being assured thatthey might count on a hearty welcome from the Londoners, the barons leftBedford, and advanced to Ware, in Hertfordshire; and, while theroyalists knew nothing of their movements, save from vague and uncertainrumours, they, on Saturday, the 16th of May, left Ware after sunset,and, marching all night, found themselves in the neighbourhood of thecapital without a foe having appeared to notice their approach.
It was early on Sunday when the baronial warriors reached the walls ofLondon, and Aldgate stood open to admit them. At the time, theinhabitants were for the most part at morning mass, and the nobles andtheir fighting men entered the city, and took possession of the gates,at each of which they posted parties of guards, almost ere theirpresence was suspected by the royalists, and long before their arrivalwas announced at the Tower. No sooner did they find themselves inundisputed possession of the capital, and assured of the support of thechief citizens, than they gratified the prejudices of the populace byfalling upon a race who from their position always suffered early incivil commotions.
At that time the Jews were odious to Christendom, and doubtless did muchto deserve hatred. But to no people in Europe was the Jew, with hissensual lip, his hook nose, his peculiar features, his high squareyellow cap, and his russet gabardine, an object of so much dislike anddistrust as to the English. For all this antipathy there were variousreasons.
Almost every Jew was understood openly or secretly to revile and insultChristianity, and scarcely a year passed without some terrible chargebeing made against the race in this respect. One year it was said that aJew had stabbed the Host; in the next that a Jew had defaced an image ofthe Virgin; in the third that a Jew had crucified a boy, in mockery ofthe Saviour. At the time of the Crusades such charges became morefrequent than ever; for the Jews were believed to sympathise stronglywith the Saracens, and to show their sympathy by furnishing arms tocarry on the war, poisoning the wells and fountains at which the armedpilgrims were likely to quench their thirst, and sneering at the zealwhich prompted Christians to “take the staff and sandal in superstitiouspenance, and walk afoot to visit the graves of dead men.”
No doubt these circumstances would of themselves have rendered the Jewan object of hatred wherever he appeared; but there were other and verystrong reasons for the detestation with which men of the Hebrew racewere regarded by the multitude. Almost every Jew was rich, and amoney-lender, and a usurer, and was in the habit of using his advantagesin such a way as to grind the faces of men of all ranks who were underthe necessity of coming to him for aid. Abbots and barons were hisdebtors; but it was not merely the inmate of the monastery and thecastle who experienced his rapacity and atrocities. While the abbotpledged his plate, and the baron his armour and horses, the craftsmanpledged his tools, the trader his wares, and the husbandman hisploughshare. Of course, all these men were frequently at the Jew’smercy, and most of them found, to their severe experience, that themercy of a Jew was worse than the cruelty of a Christian.
No sooner, therefore, did the barons forming “the army of God and theChurch” find themselves in London, and in a position to do whatever theypleased with the city, than they proceeded to pay off some of theirdebts to the Jews after a fashion which was little to the taste of theIsraelites. Proceeding with such intent to the Jewry--the quarter setapart for and inhabited by the Jews, and remarkable as concerned theconstruction of the houses, which were of a peculiar style, with achimney over the door, a mode of building to which the persecuted racewere compelled to adhere, in order that their dwellings might bedistinguished from those of Christians--they stopped at one of them,over which was inscribed in Hebrew characters, “This is the station orward of Rabbi Moses, son of the honourable Rabbi Isaac,” and, to theterror of the inmates, began to tear down the building, not forgettingin the meantime to look out for plunder, and to lay their hands on allthat was not too hot or too heavy to carry away. Proceeding with thework of destruction, which some were foolish enough to mistake fordoing God service, the baronial insurgents pulled down the houses of allthe principal Hebrews, and had the stones carried away to repair thegates of London, especially Ludgate and Aldgate--which had so easilyadmitted them, but which they were determined should not admit any otherarmed force, save at their pleasure--rebuilding them after the Normanfashion, with small bricks and Flanders tiles. Nearly four centurieslater, when Ludgate was pulled down, and when, to borrow the words ofthe poet,
“The knights were dust, And their swords were rust--”
when their names were forgotten, and the places that had once known themknew them no more, and their lands had become the prey of the grooms andminions who pandered to the passions and obeyed the behests of the Tudorsovereigns, the stone which had been taken from the house of the RabbiMoses was discovered, and the inscription interpreted--an interestingmemorial of other days, and one which might have suggested salutaryreflections.
Having dealt with the Jews, the Anglo-Norman barons, resolute in theirplan of going all lengths till their demands were complied with, tooktwo important steps. First, they wrote to all the lords and knightsthroughout England demanding aid, and declaring plainly their intentionto regard as enemies and punish as traitors all who did not support “thearmy of God and the Church;” next, they boldly quashed all scruples asto assailing a feudal superior, and prepared to besiege the king in theTower, and got ready their engines of war to commence operations. But bythis time John’s alarm had got the better of his rashness; and, changinghis tactics, he, instead of bidding defiance to the confederates asbefore, determined on an attempt to delude them.
Fortunately for the king, the Earl of Pembroke, on learning that acrisis was imminent, had hastened to London; and the earl, being a manof such high character and unquestionable patriotism that he either hadno personal enemies or only such as were ashamed to confess theirenmity, was in a position to exercise great influence with both parties.He was quite firm in his support of the crown, and was one of those menwho would have stood by it, even if it had hung on a bush; but at thesame time he was zealous for liberty, and as anxious as any of theconfederate barons to have full securities for the liberty ofEnglishmen. When, therefore, Pembroke was summoned to John’s presence,along with William de Hartarad, the king’s cup-bearer, and Robert ofLondon, a clerk of the Chapel Royal, he went with the intention ofsuggesting some such compromise as might prevent war and bloodshed.
“I now perceive,” said John, more calmly than he was in the habit ofspeaking, “that my crown is at stake.”
“Sire,” replied Pembroke, with much more deference that he was wont tospeak in the king’s prosperity, “I grieve with all my heart that affairshave reached such a stage. But all is not yet lost; nor is there anyreason to despair of getting over all difficulties, if God aids you. Allmay yet be saved by reasonable concessions.”
“It is vain,” replied John, “to speak of reasonable concessions now.When my foes are in the capital with arms and horses, and when theybeleaguer my fortress with fighting men and engines of war, I know fullwell that neither Robert Fitzwalter nor any of his friends will listento reason. Their answer, were you to address them in such a strain,would be ‘_Sit pro ratione voluntas._’ It is no time to hesitate. Inanother week the handwriting would be on the wall, and in a month mycrown and sceptre would pass away. I have well considered the matter,and have not been unmindful of the duty I owe to my son. Wherefore Ibeseech thee to go to Fitzwalter and his confederates, and tell themthat, if they will forbear from their attempt to take this place, I willbe prepared to grant all their demands. Let them appoint the time andplace for a conference. Go forthwith, my lord earl, and promise themevery satisfaction. William de Hartarad and Robert of London will bearthee company; and may God speed you in your errand!”
And so the Earl of Pembroke, attended by the cup-bearer and the clerk,left the Tower, and
was admitted to an interview with Fitzwalter and thebarons; and the earl delivered the king’s message, and added,--
“My lords, it remains for you to fix the time when and place where theconference is to be held.”
And Robert Fitzwalter, after consulting his confederates, turned toPembroke, and replied briefly and somewhat sternly--
“My lord earl, for the day of our conference with the king, we appointthe 15th of June, and, for the place, we name Runnymede.”